348: The China Pivot: What will Beijing’s climate leadership look like?
With global power recalibrating towards China, we explore what the shift means for the future of climate leadership.
About this episode
World leaders are flocking to Beijing. In the first weeks of 2026, Canada’s Mark Carney, the UK’s Sir Keir Starmer and South Korea’s Lee Jae-myung have all made high-profile visits - an unmistakable signal of global power recalibrating.
China’s dominance in clean energy manufacturing is already well established: from solar panels and batteries to wind turbines. The question now is whether this transition remains merely made in China, or whether it is increasingly being shaped and led from Beijing.
Christiana Figueres, Tom Rivett-Carnac and Paul Dickinson consider what this shift may mean for the future of climate leadership - and for the institutions, alliances and norms that have shaped global climate cooperation for decades. They’re joined by scholar of China’s political economy and climate governance Yixian Sun, who has recently advised the UK government on their engagement with China. He unpacks the country’s own vision of leadership, its evolving role in the Global South, and the risks and opportunities of an increasingly multipolar climate order.
As the world recalibrates around China’s growing role, how does Beijing see itself? And what are other governments actually seeking as they turn towards it? We spoke to the man advising the UK government ahead of Keir Starmer’s arrival in Beijing.
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Producer: Ben Weaver-Hincks
Planning: Caitlin Hanrahan
Assistant Producer: Caillin McDaid
Exec Producer: Ellie Clifford
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Full Transcript
Transcript generated by AI. While we aim for accuracy, errors may still occur. Please refer to the episode’s audio for the definitive version
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Hello, and welcome to Outrage and Optimism. I'm Tom Rivett-Carnac.
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Christiana Figueres: I'm Christiana Figueres.
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Paul Dickinson: And I'm Paul Dickinson.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Today, we talk about how climate leadership is creating a new role for China in global geopolitics. Thanks for being here. So it's only a couple of months since we did a deep dive into China while we were in Belém. But actually, over the last few months, the world has changed in all kinds of interesting ways. As Donald Trump's rhetoric and narrative has become increasingly isolationist and aggressive towards former allies, we have seen subtle but determined shifts towards getting closer to China, whether it's Mark Carney's visit or the approval of the embassy in London, or a future visit by Keir Starmer. There is a lot of interest and excitement. And you could even say sense of necessity from many other Western countries in getting closer to China. Now, there is also a narrative that is creating a counterpoint to that. We have seen many right-of-center politicians like Howard Lutnick and Donald Trump and Nigel Farage and Jordan Bardella say deploying clean energy domestically is making their countries more subservient to China because of the dominance that China now has in the manufacturing of clean energy infrastructure.
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Christiana Figueres: The hidden agenda.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: The hidden agenda. Is it a hidden agenda? Why do you say the hidden agenda?
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Christiana Figueres: I don't, just to be clear, I don't call it a hidden agenda. I'm just.
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Paul Dickinson: Are you hiding that you don't call it a hidden agenda?
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Christiana Figueres: I'm hiding that I don't know. I'm just reflecting what I think I hear, as you say Tom, from some more on the right that read threat into China's leadership. One does wonder if they're threatened by it, why don't they just step into the leadership? I mean.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: So much easier to complain about these things.
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Paul Dickinson: I've got a metaphor here. They say, I'm late, clocks are dangerous. Rather than, I'm late, I should speed up.
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Christiana Figueres: Exactly, exactly. But honestly, it has, and I have very limited experience, of course, of colleagues in China. My sense over decades of working with very few individuals, that's why I say limited sense, is I never got that sense of a hidden agenda. If anything, I got the sense of a very honest, sincere wanting to, I don't even want to use the word lead, because that's not what they are motivated by, but to really take advantage of what is the future society, the future economy going to be like, and how can we prepare for it. So to anticipate movement forward, and invest so much, that they can actually bring the price of that progress down. I would be really pushed to have to say, there is also a political hidden agenda behind this.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: It's interesting, isn't it? Because I mean, as you say, that investment has been astonishing. I mean, to just look at the statistics, 85% of solar panels now come from China, 62% of wind turbines, 80% of lithium ion batteries. I mean, if you were to look at the future of the fact that OPEC has been this predominant political force in the world, providing the world's energy, that's not a direct equivalence over to the role that China is now playing. But given that we're now globally at 42% of renewable energy and the supply of the equipment to generate that energy is so dominated by one country, I think that's what leads to the geopolitical nervousness.
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Paul Dickinson: Excuse me, big difference, lots of oil under Saudi Arabia. That's not what China did. They just pushed ahead with manufacturing. I mean, the West is not unfamiliar with manufacturing.
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Christiana Figueres: But just to not put little wings of angels on the Chinese, let's also remember that they're still heavily reliant on coal.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Oh, for sure.
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Paul Dickinson: Yeah. And there's all sorts of mercantilism, shall we say, and currency suppression and all of that.
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Christiana Figueres: Yeah. I mean, I don't know. Let's not even get into human rights issues because that takes us down another rabbit hole. But to just keep us on climate, it does seem that their approach is not ideological because the US, I think, one could easily say, this is an ideological approach to climate and to renewables. That doesn't seem to be China's approach. For them, this is not about ideology. This is about economic competitiveness. And given what the United States has done recently, their tariffs, et cetera, et cetera, it seems to me that what the Chinese are now intending to do is just simply continue their transition and redirect exports and investments away from the United States over to Europe and the Global South. Just, you know, very cold blooded, you know, economic decision. Yeah.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Now, if you listen to Donald Trump, then obviously you will get a very distorted narrative of the world where China is this nefarious actor that's true of all of his cabinet and also true, as I said at the beginning of these right of center populist politicians across Europe, but many of the other heads of state of G7 countries are actually adopting a different narrative. Paul, we were talking before about Mark Carney's recent visit. I know you looked into that. What did you learn from how he approached China in that visit?
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Paul Dickinson: Well, alongside his, you know, very widely admired speech at Davos in 2026. But yeah, you know, Carney's the first Canadian prime minister to travel to China since 2017. His visit really did produce some significant results. Shockingly, Canada will slash its 100% tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, which the United States asked for to 6.1% while lifting the cap on EVs coming from China to 49,000 a year. And in return, China will cut its 84% tariff on canola seed to 15%. Canadians will also be able to travel to China without visas.
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Christiana Figueres: Is that exactly the opposite to what is going on in the United States? Isn't that like 100 degrees in opposition?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Mark Carney is capturing the opportunity.
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Paul Dickinson: And I think he's not naive, I think, about the difference between one-party states and democracy, but he's also required to run Canada in the interest of its citizens and in the interest of the world. And I know Mark Carney, we all know, has had a leadership position on climate change for decades. He must be in shock by the way the Trump administration is dealing with this issue. So, yes, Canada pivots to China and you can see why.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Yeah, and they're one of many, right? As we said before, all of the Europeans.
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Paul Dickinson: Well, he's looking like a leader, right?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: You're looking like a leader.
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Christiana Figueres: The fact that Canada has a boundary with the United States.
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Paul Dickinson: The longest undefended border in the world, I think, is what you're referring to.
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Christiana Figueres: Do you think, yes, from the Canadian point of view, I totally see it. How do you think, and this is a totally speculative question, how do you think China sees the opportunity to open its trade doors and investment doors to Canada, knowing that Canada is the neighbour to the United States and is standing up to them? Do you think there is a political agenda there?
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Paul Dickinson: Yes.
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Christiana Figueres: Which is?
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Paul Dickinson: Well, you know, China wants to be able to benefit, I think, from being part of a global trading community because it's very good at manufacturing, it has massive manufacturing services.
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Christiana Figueres: That's still an economic agenda?
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Paul Dickinson: And by increasing, shall we say, friendly nations in the Democratic West, and I might even apply to Japan, I don't know, and Korea. This was sort of, it's like more states as friends, more G7 states as friends, more ability to deal with the global trading system freely without this Trump influence.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: I think it's an economic advantage. I don't think they're necessarily playing a political game. I mean, here's one economic benefit for the citizens. But Christiana, you have looked at this fact that so much manufacturing is now moving to China. And from an emissions perspective, you sort of looked at it from a slightly different perspective, right, in terms of the decarbonization of the world and what that's doing in China.
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Christiana Figueres: Well, the fact that we measure emissions, but we account for them according to where they are emitted, within which national boundary they are emitted. And that's the way that we account. And that's why international emissions aren't accounted for, because they don't belong to any country. So the fact that so many countries in the Global North have actually diminished their manufacturing domestically and, however, have moved over to importing the products that are manufactured in China means that from an emissions perspective, the Global North has actually exported emissions over to China. So now those emissions that perhaps a couple of decades ago would have gone on to the European or the UK books are now on the Chinese books. And China is very aware of this, right? They are very aware that they are now being held responsible for their emissions are still going up or barely flat, whereas European emissions have gone down and they are going like, I wonder why?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: And that of course leads us, and we should go to our interview in a minute, but to this new policy, well not new, because many listeners will be aware of it, of carbon border adjustment mechanisms that are set.
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Christiana Figueres: Which the EU has practiced since when?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Well, the EU has had this in place. It's currently in place in the data gathering phase. The costs come in this year. Carbon border adjustment mechanism is essentially a policy whereby an importer of a product will declare the embedded emissions of that product when it's imported. The carbon price will then be applied. And if the exporting country already has a price on carbon, that's deducted. And if not, money is paid. So the intention is to prevent exactly what you're describing, that all of the emissions can go somewhere where there's no cost, to ensure that we can kind of move forward together. It's purposely boring, it's technocratic.
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Christiana Figueres: Well, but the other consequence of that is are they actually forcing China to put the price on carbon?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Well, that's a good point, because China now has a 2060 net zero target, right? Which is not much later than Western Europe, which is 2050. And as we know, China tends to under promise and over deliver. Exactly. So we're seeing these things come very much in line. The UK is designing a CBM, Canada, Japan, Australia. These are very much going to be part of our lives as the world tries to decarbonize together. So that is one of the mechanisms that's being utilized in order to help us manage this movement of industry around the world. Now, today we're going to be speaking to Yixian Sun, who studies China's political economy and climate governance and specializes in China's role in global climate diplomacy, clean energy transitions and international cooperation. He regularly works with policy makers and contributes to the policy dialogues around China, climate and development. He's currently on travel from Beijing, from the University of Bath, where he works.
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Christiana Figueres: And we're sitting right now?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: We're sitting right now.
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Paul Dickinson: We're where he is and he's in Beijing. That's kind of okay.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: He's on a research trip to help frame the discussions for Keir Starmer's visit. So let's go to our discussion with Yixian Sun. Yixian, it's wonderful to meet you. Thank you so much for taking the time to speak to us on Outrage and Optimism. You are normally based in Bath and we're sitting in the university where you're based but you are actually in Beijing and we're sorry we're not with you in person. We're thrilled to have the chance to chat with you.
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Christiana Figueres: Better planning next time.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Better planning.
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): Definitely. Thanks for visiting us. I'm so sorry for missing your visit. We're very glad we can still get connected through our internet, our technology, but I look forward to meeting both of you next time in person.
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Christiana Figueres: Indeed, indeed.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: We've been doing this episode where we're looking at the state of play of the multilateral process around climate, in particular, looking at the ways in which China's growth, remarkable growth in clean energy production is changing its role in the world. I want to get into some of that, but I'd love to just start off. We are at a very curious point in climate diplomacy in multilateralism with the US pullout of the UNFCCC. A lot of people looking to China to say, is China going to fill the void, play a different role on the international stage? I'd love to just start off by inviting you to speak a bit about as this world becomes more fragmented and transactional, how does China see the institutions that are part of the UN for managing climate? Does it still see them as fundamental? Or do you think China sees most serious action on climate happening outside these forums?
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): That's for the question. I just want to clarify, I'm a Chinese national working in the UK. Of course, I cannot speak on behalf of the Chinese government, but I have been doing research on China and China's role in global environmental politics for years. So I think I'd like to offer some observation. We were having a dialogue with some Chinese colleagues, some Chinese experts, UK China, potential collaboration or cooperation on green and low carbon transition. I think what we agree, we heard a lot of consensus here in Beijing from our Chinese colleagues that there is a lot for the two countries to cooperate, especially in a very turbulent era, I think, with the recent geopolitical shift. So Tom, you mentioned about this very fragmented world. I think I want to offer a slightly different perspective. I think we are moving into a new geopolitical order with a multi-polarity. That means we need also new leaders. Of course, we no longer have the United States as the most powerful country willing to lead, but at the same time that offers opportunities for other countries, including China, but also other emerging economies. For example, recently we have seen at COP 30, the presidency of Brazil has also come up to propose the TFFF as a new founding facility. Of course, I think China has been drawn into this conversation about whether China can fill this leadership gap. And today we also heard from some Chinese colleagues said, post from the top leader, but also in the system, in China, in the government, but also for the people, I think, as a country, as a civilization, I think China is not ready yet to become a leader. But I think what I was saying, I think what I've been arguing, this is the process that has been already started or is already starting. So China is transforming into a leader because of its scale, because of its capacity, especially in these areas, with the remarkable progress that China has made on clean energy transition. This is not saying that China has done perfectly. There is still a lot of room for improvement. But at the same time, I think China has a lot to offer to the rest of the world, including through its technology, through its financing capital, but also its experiences. So I think this is where we are now. But at the same time, I think, for us to build a better world, even the challenge we have facing, I think some countries withdraw from multilateralism. I think we just need to find out what's the best way for the rest of the world to work together and to protect multilateralism. What I have seen, I was also in Beilem at COP 30. I think I'm still very optimistic as a scholar of global environmental politics. I would say the multilateral process is still very resilient in a sense that we have seen countries have been updating their national determined contributions to the NDC 3. Of course, I think countries are also making more ambitious targets. But at the same time, I think we can always do more. I think what we need for this transition, for this transformation is a race. I think we need to do more. I think hopefully, I think we can see new countries, new players coming out to see we can continue and then drive the process. I'm sure, I think China or some Chinese actors can be part of it.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: That's very interesting. And it's interesting to hear you describe it as a race and also that China is still sort of figuring out its role in this race, in this transition. But you can look at this race and say one thing you can be sure of is that China is winning. I mean, if you look at solar panel manufacturing, you look at battery manufacturing, you look at wind turbine manufacturing, China is 75, 80% of global capacity in all of those different sectors. And so if you look at that from one perspective, you can say the world is decarbonizing because of Chinese manufacturing, and that is what has driven down the costs and made it possible for this shift. But you can also look at it as some politicians are doing in particularly North America, but also parts of Europe, and saying now if we transition to renewable future, this is Chinese subservience and turning it into a political populist agenda, and they are projecting a very negative intention on China in terms of geopolitical intention as a result of that manufacturing strategy. So I would love to hear you talk a bit about how China sees its expanded role, because some other parts of the world seem to have drawn their own conclusions.
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Christiana Figueres: Can I come in on that? There are many different types of leadership, of course, and we have seen what the United States exerted, what kind of leadership it exerted over many decades. How would you compare and contrast the leadership that China could intend to have in the field of climate change and clean technologies? How would that be different to what we're used to seeing from the United States? On the coattails of Tom's question.
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): Thanks to both of you. I think these are excellent questions. And I'd like to comment on the leadership question raised by Christiana. Because recently I've been doing a lot of research of China's leadership in global environmental governance. I give a lot of talks every time I talk about leadership and people ask me about the definition. I always try to challenge the conventional definition. I think very much, in my view, embedded in the Western culture. I think people would say, in order to be a leader, you need followers, so you need people to follow you. But I think, in my view, as someone who grew up in China, think about Chinese philosophy. Being a leader, the first thing you have to do is more a kind of lead by example. That means you need to first do well, and then to show to the rest of the world that you have delivered something. I think this is China has been doing in the last 10 or 20 years, I would say, is trying to really figure out what kind of transition that can be happened in the country and how China can try to move from very much, still very much fossil fuel based economy, but to a more kind of clean energy based economy. So if we think about this different understanding or description of this transition, I think to some extent, I don't think China has planned everything. I think things just happened so fast in terms of this transition, and then the cost has been decreased so significantly due to the scale of the manufacturing power capacity here happened in China very much because of this new technology revolution. We are experiencing this revolution. It has happened so quickly. It's good thing it's a fortune for China because China has been winning. But at the same time, I think if we think about global climate action and how we can adjust or combat this crisis, I don't think it's a zero-sum game. So it's not someone is winning and then someone is losing. I think the problem is, of course, there is a distributional cost. So there are some distributional effects of this transition. So at the moment, we may see China is winning, but I think this is not a sustainable path. This is why what we have been seeing in the last year or so, I think there are a lot of discussion about how China can support other countries and help them to add values in the supply chains. We have seen a lot of investment, and we have seen also very explicit requests from a lot of host countries asking or requiring Chinese companies to provide more opportunities, more jobs locally, to transfer their technology. Of course, this is easy saying than doing, because there are a lot of barriers to those kind of technology transfer and also job creation. But I think this is the way we have to figure out, and I think especially for our Chinese companies, Chinese actors, Chinese government, is how they can work with other countries and trying to also use its technological advantages and to support the transition, and also not only a racket transition, but also adjust the transition in the rest of the world.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: That's really interesting, and I'm going to invite Christiana to come in in a minute. I mean, do you think that the partnerships that China can develop with countries in the Global South to partner on manufacturing, is in part a strategy to mitigate some of the difficult political realities that have emerged as a result of China's rise? Of course, it's an economic strategy, but there are other political challenges that have occurred, particularly with this administration in the US. Do you think that strategy would help mitigate some of those challenges?
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): That's a good question. So let me rephrase this. I think from economic perspective, of course, I think there are some concerns from investors trying to circumvent the trade barriers to some developed country or global North market. But at the same time, if we look at the trade data, actually the majority of the market, the end market of Chinese clean technology is actually in the Global South. And this has already happened in the last few years. The bigger market is actually in the Global South. And this is what the Chinese companies are looking at. And so that means even if you try to also enter the global North market, but this is not the main target, we have to look at this home market, this domestic market in the Global South. So if you move manufacturing to these countries, I think in the mid and longer term, FC is trying to supply local markets. This is also what happened already in many places. For example, we have seen countries like Pakistan, like also a lot of African countries, they have imported a huge amount of Chinese solar panels in the last 18 months or two years, which has driven a very rapid transition in these countries, especially in the decentralized renewable energy system. This has not been planned by policy, and this is very much because of economics and because the price of solar panel has decreased significantly while the electricity price is still very high in these markets. So this has happened. Of course, this is not the end of the story. I think there are still a lot of challenges in these markets. But that means if we get the economics right and this Global South market and in the other future. So this is why I think we have to think both, I think, from a host country perspective, so how to actually gain from this transition. So if you don't be very proactive and have a long term planning, then you are actually just paying more to just buy products from China, but not really benefiting economically. Similarly, I think for Chinese companies, this is not a longer term solution, because you know there is a huge demand there, and then potentially the labor cost has increased significantly in China. So I think what would be beneficial is actually trying to move in production also in those countries that you can have shorter supply chance, which is also to manage the risks as well in the longer term. So I think it would be beneficial from both sides to think about how to work together, how to localize some of these supply chance into these Global South countries.
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Christiana Figueres: That is a very good description of the Chinese penetration into these markets as opening up economic opportunity. I wonder whether those economic opportunities also bring political opportunities for China.
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): Yeah, I think definitely it will also strengthen the relationship and partnership between China and the Global South. At the same time, it's not always easy. China has gone outward or gone out. So this China go out strategy is very recent. But I think it went so fast. China as a global power or as a global player is still a very new and young player. I think there has been a lot of reflections in China from the government, from the policy circles of what had been done, especially with the shift or the revised strategy for the second era or second decade of Belt and Road Initiative. That means also there has been a lot of reflections within China. For example, there has been a lot of projects which were not very successful, which have created some repercussions in host countries. I think China is reflecting on that. So I think potentially, of course, you try to strengthen the relationship and also think about how we can have more leadership from the Global South, both from China but also other Global South countries when they can work together economically but also politically to drive reforms of multilateral processes. But at the same time, I think China still needs time to digest what they have done in the last 10 or 15 years. And I think there are a lot of lessons to be learned. And this is also why we have this dialogue on international development cooperation between China and the UK. Because UK has a lot to offer to reflect on the past experiences, especially from the colonial period to the post colonial period. And I think this is also something hopefully some global North countries can also support China and then also try to help the global South countries for them to find out a new development pathway, I would say. I think so far, a lot of countries have been still struggling.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: I mean, I feel like this is the beginning of a conversation. There's so many places we can go here about this. But I know that you are in part in Beijing with an eye to the future visit of the British Prime Minister in a little bit of time. And you've talked about that bilateral arrangement. We've talked a bit about the global South. But I'd love to just ask you in closing, what do you think the future cooperation between China, the UK, the EU in this sector would look like? We're entering an era of carbon border adjustment mechanisms. Those have a certain political resonance. What do you think the ideal landing ground is in that type of partnership to enable us to do what we need to do on climate in such a short space of time?
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Yixian Sun (guest, University of Bath): To answer that question, I think we have to think about what are the comparative advantage of different countries. And especially now, we look at China with this huge manufacturing capacity and I think a very strong clean energy industry. So there is no doubt that China can supply that kind of technology and also especially to push for manufacturing. At the same time, I think we shouldn't forget about if we think about global North countries, UK, Europe, or still I think a lot of basic research and development happened here. I think there is still a lot to be offered by UK, especially we talk about the UK research and development, higher education. I think even now, I think our Chinese colleagues still recognize the advantage of the UK research and higher education system. I think we still have lots of cooperation. We know that all the UK universities are trying to strengthen their cooperation, collaboration with China and try to have joint research. In the clean energy space, definitely we have seen also a lot of work, including at our university, we have worked on new transport system, new energy system, grid system, but also hydrogen, green hydrogen. And these are the fundamental research that happened of steel in Europe and also jointly with China. But I think with the capacity of China and push for manufacturing, commercialization, customization, we can actually accelerate transition in that sense. Another place I think these countries can work together, especially between UK and China, is in third country markets, in the Global South especially. But here I think the model would be China can offer more kind of hard-well for development, thinking about the infrastructure, technology, clean technology, whereas the UK has more soft-well, thinking about the rules, the ESG standards, and also monitoring and how to increase data transparency. I think if both sides can join their efforts, I think we can deliver better packages to our Global South country. Of course, we shouldn't forget about the agency of these countries, and we should give them ownership to drive the process. But I think even that China and UK and also other European countries have been very important development partners over the last few decades, I think there is a lot to be shared and also to join efforts. Now maybe just stop here. I hope that gives us a lot to think about.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: That's fantastic.
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Christiana Figueres: Thank you so much.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Wonderful to talk to you. I hope you have a very successful trip and look forward to seeing you on your return. Thank you for taking the time to talk to us. So great to have a chance to talk to Yixian. What did you both take from that conversation? Paul, what did you think?
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Paul Dickinson: Well, he makes a very eloquent and effective case that China is simply sort of shuffling its activities to fit with a different global environment. I was struck by that most sales of Chinese renewable energy equipment is to the Global South, so to say, and I think that's really actually quite inspiring. We do have these incredible stats from China, about 300 gigawatts of solar and 100 gigawatt wind last year, something like five times the UK's entire electric teapot put in renewables in one country. I felt confident about the way he was talking. I also know that there are long-standing rivalries between different kinds of political systems, between one-party systems and democracies, and we can't pretend those aren't there. Back to something you said at the very start, you two were having a conversation about China, that there does not appear to be, so to say, some kind of Machiavellian agenda. I actually think that's sort of fossil fuel talking points.
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Christiana Figueres: The one word that kept on coming up for me as I listened to him was humility. I thought, how interesting. I can't imagine listening to any thought leader, let alone politician, in the United States speak about leadership without a sense of self-importance. And that was totally absent. Yes, it's leadership, it's economic. You know, there's not a sense of supremacy behind it, despite the fact that they are indisputable leaders in all of these technologies. But the sense of it is like, yes, this is what makes sense, this is what we're doing. But I don't know, I almost want to say arrogance that we have in the West about leadership was just not there. And the other piece that I also put under my humility sense is he kept on talking about it's too early to know. We are still trying to figure this out. We're still trying to understand. It's happened too fast, dot dot, over the past 10 to 15 years. I mean, that's four political cycles in the United States. Do you think anybody in the United States would say the past 10 to 15 years something happened that was too fast?
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Yeah, it's interesting.
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Christiana Figueres: I mean, their sense of time is so much more elastic. It's so much more generous. It's so much more open. They don't have this, we have to get it done in the first 100 days of the political being elected. It's a very, very different sense of how transitions take place in the world.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Yeah, so I definitely got that. I would also just channel my US foreign policy analyst friends based on what you just said, because if you were to say that there is anything humble about Xi Jinping and the way that he's running China, then they would not see that at all. They would say there is huge expansionism.
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Christiana Figueres: There is huge autocracy.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Autocracy, you know, try to be...
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Christiana Figueres: There's no autocracy in the United States, by the way.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Try being Taiwanese or try owning an island in the South China Sea. And it's funny, isn't it, that everybody seems to project on to China their own intent in some way in the West. But if I speak to my friend, and I do have various friends who are foreign policy analysts in the US, they are 100% convinced of the hidden agenda. That we will come to understand that actually what China is doing is completely different from what they're placing onto the international stage. They have a totally different set of objectives that they're not being honest about. And we are falling into that trap by just thinking that they are trying to develop a little bit of wind and solar and spread it around the world. And one of the fascinating things is going to unfold in the coming years is we don't know the answer to that question.
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Paul Dickinson: But 30 minutes ago, you and I had a conversation, Tom. If we just ignore the difference between democracy and one-party systems, which are substantial, I don't want to ignore them. But if you just want to talk about powers rising and falling, there was an excellent article in the FT by Janet Ganesh, which was sort of suggesting that when the US had supreme political power in sort of 1946, it kind of created international institutions. It created Bretton Woods.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: It could afford to be generous.
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Paul Dickinson: It could afford to be generous. And now it's behaving in a kind of a irascible and difficult way. China is really rising as a power. And perhaps it is capable of creating win-win environments for large groups of people. We just don't know.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Yeah. And I mean, I think one thing that's clear, very clear, just in the last few months, looking at how Donald Trump is now behaving on the world stage, the world economic forum and other things is he is massively accelerating that shift. He is pushing other leaders into closer alliance with China, pushing the Global South into much more willing partnerships to develop clean energy industries. I mean, when the history of these years comes to be written, I wonder if we will see one of the decisive roles he played as supporting finally this pivot from the US to China, inadvertently, of course.
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Christiana Figueres: The space on the lap of the Chinese is actually run out. Everybody wants to sit in their lap.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: Yeah, totally. Exactly.
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Paul Dickinson: Yeah. I'm not entirely sure it's the safest place in the world, but better than being on Donald Trump's lap. Yes. I don't think either of them are all that appealing. I want to sit on little England's lap.
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Tom Rivett-Carnac: All right. I think that takes us to the end of this episode. So great to dive into this topic again. I'm sure we'll be back on it this year. Thanks for joining us, everyone. Bye.